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Posted by Victor Mair

Before I introduce what to me is one of the most stupendous humanities discoveries I have encountered in the last six decades, I have to explain briefly why it is so exciting.   Namely, here we get to witness the emergence of a few bits of vernacular English in a religiously imbued medieval Latin matrix.  This is exactly how medieval vernacular Sinitic started to appear in the framework of Classical Chinese / Literary Sinitic during the heyday of medieval Buddhism.  Just as in the medieval Christian homilies of Peterhouse MS 255, we see the common (sú 俗) preachers of Dunhuang resorting to vernacular language and popular "memes" in their "transformation texts" (biàn[wén] 變[文]) to keep the attention of their auditors / readers.

I wrote my undergraduate thesis on Geoffrey Chaucer's (d. 1400) Troilus and Criseyde.  That was a long time ago, sixty years, in fact.  Imagine my surprise when I opened the New York Times yesterday and discovered that this medieval romance was back in the news.

900-Year-Old Copyist's Error May Unravel a Chaucer Mystery
The Tale of Wade, twice referred to in Geoffrey Chaucer’s poems, survives only in a tiny fragment. Two academics argue a scribe’s error deepened the confusion around it.
Stephen Castle, NYT (7/15/25)

What's all the fuss about "The Tale of Wade"*?  It seems that two Cambridge scholars at Girton College, Seb Falk and James Wade, after spending three intensive years of research, have solved a thorny textual problem that has bewitched scholars for centuries.

*This Wikipedia article on "Wade (folklore)" contains a rich assemblage of myth and lore stretching back to Old Norse and Old English that reveals the close association of Wade and his boat, with water, sexuality, and fertility.

N.B.:  It is only by coincidence that one of the Cambridge researchers, James Wade, has the same surname as the name of the hero of "The Tale of Wade" dating to a millennium earlier.

Here's a translation of the passage on Wade's boat from Chaucer's "Merchant's Tale":

And bet than old boef is the tendre veel…And eek thise old wydwes, God it woot,They konne so muchel craft on Wades boot, So muchel broken harm, whan that hem leste, That with hem sholde I nevere lyve in reste…

—1.209-14

And better than old beef is tender veal…and also these old widows, God knows it,They can play so much craft on Wade's boat,So much harm, when they like it,That with them should I never live in rest….

It is clear that here Wade's boat is being used as a sexual euphemism.

(from the above cited Wikipedia article)

As presented in the NYT article, the abstruse argumentation and dense documentation of the Falk & Wade paper are difficult for the non-specialist to follow, so I will supplement Castle's account with other materials, starting with the official Cambridge announcement of the seminal Falk-Wade discovery.  A simple version of the announcement may be found here:

Lost English legend decoded, solving Chaucerian mystery and revealing a medieval preacher's meme
Edited by Sadie Harley, reviewed by Andrew Zinin, Phys.org, Science X (2025-07)

Here is the elaborate treatment of the announcement prepared by Tom Almeroth-Williams:

The Song of Wade:  Decoding a lost English legend, solving a Chaucerian mystery, and revealing a medieval preacher’s meme

By Tom Almeroth-Williams, University of Cambridge (7/16/25)

This is a virtuoso demonstration of the achievement of Falk-Wade.  For those who do not have a lot of time to spend on medieval English philology and are not acquainted with its aims and usages, I strongly recommend that you skip to the 4:00 film at the end of Almeroth-Williams' essay.  Here you will hear Seb Falk and James Wade explain lucidly in layman's terms what they have achieved in their technical paper.

Prior to the excellent film, Almeroth-Williams gently guides his reader through the Falk-Wade paper by other means as well, including this introductory summary:

A medieval literary puzzle which has stumped scholars including M.R. James for 130 years has finally been solved.

Cambridge scholars now believe the Song of Wade, a long lost treasure of English culture, was a chivalric romance not a monster-filled epic.

The discovery solves the most famous mystery in Chaucer's writings and provides rare evidence of a medieval preacher referencing pop culture in a sermon.

The breakthrough, detailed in The Review of English Studies, involved working out that the manuscript refers to ‘wolves’ not ‘elves’ [VHM:  this is the "typo" referred to in the title of this post], as scholars previously assumed.

Dr James Wade and Dr Seb Falk, colleagues at Girton College, Cambridge, argue that the precious literary fragment, first discovered by M.R. James at Cambridge in 1896, has been “radically misunderstood” for the last 130 years.

Some choice quotations:

“Here we have a late-12th-century sermon deploying a meme from the hit romantic story of the day,” Seb Falk says. “This is very early evidence of a preacher weaving pop culture into a sermon to keep his audience hooked.”

“Many church leaders worried about the themes of chivalric romances – adultery, bloodshed, and other scandalous topics – so it’s surprising to see a preacher dropping such 'adult content' into a sermon,” Wade explains.

“Lots of very smart people have torn their hair out over the spelling, punctuation, literal translation, meaning, and context of a few lines of text,” says James Wade.

A very attractive feature of Almeroth-Williams' presentation are crystal clear photographs that you can enlarge by gliding over them with your mouse, and then having him (A-W) deftly encircle the critical features of the text with highlighted boxes.  For example, by such means, the names "Wade" and "Hildebrand" (Wade's father) leap off the page.  In another place, we get to see the precise place where the letters "w" and "y" are muddled, so that a word that has been interpreted as "elves" for nearly a thousand years actually was "wolves".

In the next section, "Chaucer and Wade", Almeroth-Williams describes how the authors of the paper on the homily in Peterhouse MS 255 clarify the great medieval poet's invocation of the Song of Wade:

The Song of Wade was hugely popular throughout the Middle Ages. For several centuries, its central character remained a major romance hero, among other famous knights such as Lancelot and Gawain. Chaucer twice evoked Wade in the middle of this period, in the late 1300s, but these references have baffled generations of Chaucer scholars.

At a crucial moment in Troilus and Criseyde, Pandarus tells the ‘tale of Wade’ to Criseyde after supper. Today’s study argues that the Wade legend served Pandarus because he not only needed to keep Criseyde around late, but also to stir her passions. By showing that Wade was a chivalric romance, Chaucer’s reference makes much more sense.

In ‘The Merchant’s Tale’, Chaucer’s main character, January, a 60-year-old knight, refers to Wade’s boat when arguing that it is better to marry young women than old. The fact that his audience would have understood the reference in the context of chivalric romance, rather than folk tales or epics, is significant, the researchers argue.

In the following section, Almeroth-Williams shows how the Cambridge researchers pay more attention to the entirety of the Humiliamini sermon and its usages than previous scholars have.  This is where they identify Alexander Neckam, or one of his acolytes, as the probable author of this homily on humility.

Almeroth-Williams concludes his essay with an extract from the new translation of the sermon referring to Wade:

‘Dear [brothers], as to the fact that he says, ‘humble yourselves’, etc. – it could be considered that humility which is against the mighty hand of God is of a particular kind. For there are three kinds of humility: the humility of guilt; the humility of punishment; and the humility of penance.

Now, by the humility of guilt our first parent [Adam] was so humbled that, although he was made master of the whole world before his sins and ruled over everything that was in the world, after his sin, on the other hand, he could not even defend himself from a worthless worm, that is, from a flea or louse. He who was similar to God before sin, was made dissimilar through sin; since ‘by this poison a rose is sometimes turned into spikenard.’

Thus Adam was, from a human, made as if he was non-human; not only Adam, but almost everyone becomes as if non-humans. Thus they can say, with Wade:

‘Some are wolves and some are adders; Some are sea-snakes that dwell by the water. There is no man at all but Hildebrand.’

Similarly, today some are wolves, such as powerful tyrants, who if they can justly take the things of those subject to them, take them; but if not, [do so] by any means. Some imitate serpents, of which there are three kinds. Others become lions, like the proud ones whom God opposes; enough has been said of pride in the art of preaching. Others are foxes, such as cunning detractors and flatterers who speak with a double heart, who have honey in their mouth but bile in their heart. Others are gluttons like pigs, of whom the prophet says ‘their throats are open graves’; and thus each is judged similarly. Indeed, this humility is bad and perverse.’

Here's the original Latin text, with the tantalizing snippets of Middle English intermixed (in the penultimate paragraph quoted here( :

K[arissimi], hoc quod dicit ‘hu[miliamini] sub po[tenti]’ etc.—potest perpendi quod alia est humilitas que est contra potentem manum Dei. Triplex enim est humilitas: humilitas scilicet culpe; hu[militas] pene; hu[militas] penitentie.

Humilitate autem culpe, in tantum humiliatus est primus parens noster,106 quod cum dominus tocius mundi efficeretur ante peccata et in omnibus que in mundo erant dominaretur, post peccatum uero, a uili uermiculo, scilicet, a pulice siue pediculo se minime potuit defendere. Qui similis fuit Deo ante peccatum per peccatum factus est dissimilis; quia ‘hac [lue] rosa [non]numquam uertitur in saliuncam’.107

Adam itaque de homine factus est quasi non homo; nec tantum Adam, sed omnes fere fiunt quasi non homines. Itaque dicere possunt cum Wade: ‘Summe sende [ƿ]lues & summe sende nadderes; sum[m]e sende nikeres the bi den ƿater [ƿ]unien. Nister man nenne bute ildebrand onne.

Similiter, hodie aliqui sunt lupi, utpote potentes tiranni, qui [176va]108 sibi subditorum res si iuste accipere possunt accipiunt; sin autem quocunque modo. Alii imitantur serpentes, quorum triplex est genus. Alii efficiuntur leones, utpote superbi quibus resistit Deus;109 satis de superbia dictum est in arte predicandi. Alii sunt wlpes, sicut dolosi detractores adulatores qui loquntur in corde et corde,110 qui habent mel in ore fel autem in corde.111 Alii sunt gulosi ut sues, de quibus dicit propheta ‘sepulcrum patens est g[uttur]’;112 et sic de singulis simile habetur iudicium. Hec siquidem humilitas mala est & peruersa.

Now let us turn briefly to the original paper of Falk and Wade:

"The Lost Song of Wade: Peterhouse 255 Revisited"
Seb Falk, James Wade, The Review of English Studies (16 July 2025)

Abstract

Short verses from the Song of Wade survive in an early-thirteenth-century sermon collection found in Cambridge, Peterhouse MS 255. They constitute the only known surviving fragment of a legendary romance that was widely known in medieval and renaissance England but now entirely lost. The fragment was first discovered [VHM:  in 1896] by M. R. James and Israel Gollancz, and since then several scholars have considered the sermon’s English quotation to parse its meaning and speculate on what it says about the ‘Legend of Wade’. Despite such attention, there has been no sustained attempt to situate this fragment in the context of the sermon in which it appears. In this essay we return to Peterhouse MS 255 to re-consider them in light of the sermon in which they are quoted. We offer a new plain-sense meaning of the English fragment and suggest the most likely arrangement of its verse form, both of which animate a fundamental re-thinking of what glimpse these verses can give us into the world of a romance otherwise unknown, and into a lost legend as it was understood by readers and audiences in later medieval England, Geoffrey Chaucer among them. We provide an edition and translation of the full sermon, and analyse the sermon’s contents and composition, suggesting identifications for its sources, origins, and audiences. We also provide fresh analysis of the ways that preachers constructed their sermons, drawing from up-to-date natural philosophy and deploying memes from the world of romance and real-life chivalry.

Conclusion

This essay proposes a new text and translation of the Wade fragment, with all its implications for how we might imagine the world of the lost Song of Wade. It also postulates that the author of this sermon may be none other than Alexander Neckam [1157=1217] himself, and gestures towards an intellectual milieu of creative, even playful experimentation where even English romance, like the flea or the worm, can play a natural role in moral instruction and edification. The richly visual, dramatic descriptions of serpents, lions and wolves, self-abasing knights, and kings in sackcloth, are set in a virtuoso rhetorical performance. It all makes for a captivating effect in an era when sermons served to generate the same depth of emotional response as mass media today.99 And in this genre of medieval media broadcast, we find the Wade legend, like the ‘viral’ account of Hugh of Gournay, deployed as a meme, a compact unit of transmission that freights cultural memory, such as tunes or catch-phrases or clothing fashions.100 If Alexander Neckam, or the Neckam-inspired sermonizer, invokes the Wade legend as a meme, then he is only the first known writer to do so, for it is precisely as a meme that Wade is used in Middle English, from the Bevis-author through Chaucer to Malory.

This new reading of the Wade legend as a chivalric meme has been spurred by an appreciation of its situation in the Humiliamini sermon. By providing an edition and translation of the sermon here, we hope that its intellectual and emotional energy might resonate with other readers in ways that we have not had the time to explore or capacity to understand. (It is, after all, a lesson in humility.) We also hope that this essay goes some way towards illuminating what Jack Bennett considered the best-known crux in Chaucer’s writings. The preferred reading of ‘wolves’ for ‘elves’ dramatically shifts the ground, and invites us to re-imagine the known world of Wade from c.1200 on, from one less germane to Germanic epic than congruent with courtly romance, less invested in the mythological sphere of giants and monsters than in the warring of human chivalric adversaries. Such a shift turns the crux into a crutch of literary memory; it helps make sense of Chaucer’s evocation of Wade at instances of courtly intrigue, in moments of high tension in the world of fin amour. It may be one of Chaucer’s most brazen anachronisms, to have a performance of a Middle English romance resound within the ancient walls of Bronze-Age Troy, but to see the Wade allusion in the Troilus as a pointedly chivalric allusion is to understand it as part and parcel of a broader ‘medievalizing’ project. When the courtiers of Chaucer’s Troy listened to romance to model their own chivalry and steer their own passions, whose romance did they hear? It was Wade’s.

Here is how Stephen Castle of the NYT nicely explicates some of the key points in the Falk-Wade paper:

The fragment seemed to refer to a man alone among elves and other eerie creatures — something from the story of a mythological giant, or of a heroic character like Beowulf who battled supernatural monsters.

That would make it a surprising tale for a romantic go-between to read to a maiden, as happens in Chaucer’s “Troilus and Criseyde,” or to appear as an allusion in one of his “Canterbury Tales” about a wealthy man marrying a younger woman.

The new research, published on Wednesday in Britain in “The Review of English Studies,” suggests that the “elves” sprang from a linguistic error by a scribe, who miscopied a word that should have meant “wolves,” and that Wade in fact belonged to a chivalric world of knights and courtly love — much more relevant to Chaucerian verse.

The new study concludes that the sermon’s scribe confused a runic letter that was still found in Middle English, and pronounced ‘w,’ with the letter ‘y.’ That, it says, turned “wlves” into “ylves.”

“Here were three lines apparently talking about elves and sea monsters which exactly puts you in this world of Beowulf and other Teutonic legends,” said Dr. Wade. “What we realized is that there are no elves in this passage, there are no sea monsters and, in the study of the handwriting, everyone has gotten it wrong until now.”

The research took three years, he said, adding that he believed the error occurred because the scribe was chosen for familiarity with Latin.

“One’s suspicion, although we can’t prove this, is that the reason he messes up the Middle English is because he’s never written English before,” said Dr. Wade.  [VHM:  N.B. !!!!]

The mentions of Wade, the two academics argue, show both the sermon’s author and Chaucer deploying contemporary popular culture to appeal to a wider audience in the way that politicians, artists or preachers still do today.

“The way the poem is quoted in the sermon as a meme — something which was widely understood — tells us something about how ubiquitous it was,” said Dr. Falk.

To me, this is all very familiar, because the same sorts of things were happening in medieval Dunhuang as scribes were trying to forge means to record vernacular with characters that theretofore had only been used for writing Classical Chinese / Literary Sinitic.  Typos aplenty!

Afterword

In the film, Falk and Wade show pages of the manuscript they studied.  It has drawings, some of them colored, of animals that illustrate attributes of human beings / behavior.  One of these drawings is a quite realistic colored rendition of a bovine munching on a bunch of green grass and, at the other end, emitting a huge balloon of green methane gas.  These drawings of animals remind me very much of the Voynich manuscript, which must have been modeled on medieval bestiaries, that we have discussed numerous times on Language Log

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to John J. Tkacik]

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Posted by Victor Mair

Cattle raids were often depicted in Irish mythology, such as the famous Táin Bó Cúailnge (The Cattle Raid of Cooley).

Cattle raiding is the act of stealing live cattle, often several or many at once. In Australia, such stealing is often referred to as duffing, and the perpetrator as a duffer.  In other areas, especially in Queensland, the practice is known as poddy-dodging with the perpetrator known as a poddy-dodger. In North America, especially in the Wild West cowboy culture, cattle theft is dubbed rustling, while an individual who engages in it is a rustler.

(Wikipedia)

TIL cattle thievery still goes on in a big way in Pakistan, where it is sometimes referred to as "lifting".  See here. I wonder if its roots go back to pre-Islamic (i.e., Indo-Iranian) times.

Oh, I forgot to draw attention to the video narrator's pronunciation of "cattle".  Mea culpa.

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to Sunny Jhutti]

Replication of failure to replicate

Jul. 19th, 2025 11:59 am
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Posted by Mark Liberman

Today's xkcd:

Mouseover title: "Maybe encouraging the publication of null results isn't enough–maybe we need a journal devoted to publishing results the study authors find personally annoying."

Actually, there's a long history of scientific and scholarly publications based on personal annoyance — my favorite is the 1955-1961 back-and-forth between Herb Simon and Benoit Mandelbrot, discussed in "The long tail of religious studies?", 8/5/2010. And I have to confess that an occasional bit of annoyance has motivated some LLOG posts.

Anyhow, there's been some progress in relevant attitudes at journals, scientific and technical societies, and funders, towards promoting (and even requiring) the replication-friendly open publication of data, code, etc. — though there's still a long way to go…

A few relevant past posts:

"Open Data and Reproducible Research: Blurring the Boundaries between Research and Publication", Berlin 6 Open access Conference (11/12/2008)
"Human Language Technologies in the United States:Reflections 1966-2008", MYL Berlin 6 slides, 11/12/2008
"Reproducible research", 11/13/2008
"Reproducible Science at AAAS 2011", 2/18/2011
"Replication Rumble", 3/17/2012
"Textual narcissism", 7/13/2012
"Textual narcissism, replication 2", 7/14/2012
"Literate programming and reproducible research", 2/22/2014
Statistical Challenges in Assessing and Fostering the Reproducibility of Scientific Results”, NRC Workshop 2/26/2015
"Reliability", 2/28/2015
"Replicability vs. reproduciblity — or is it the other way around?", 10/31/2015
"Replicate vs. reproduce (or vice versa?)", 2/15/2018

Update — We should note that publishing open data and code is only one step towards a solution. In honest and intelligent research, there are still the problems of parameter choices, analysis method choices, and uncontrolled co-variates. And across the spectrum of motivated, biased, and less honest research, those problems get worse.

Still, access to data and code makes it easier to detect and fix such problems.

 

Anti-bilingualism in the news

Jul. 19th, 2025 10:21 am
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Posted by Victor Mair

Complaint upheld against Belgian ticket inspector who said ‘bonjour’ in Flanders
Ilyass Alba also said ‘goeiedag’ on train in Dutch-speaking region but he breached country’s strict language rules
Jennifer Rankin in Brussels, The Guardian (16 Jul 2025)

Go figure!  The train was in Flanders and nearing Brussels, which is officially bilingual.

A complaint against a Belgian ticket inspector who gave passengers a bilingual greeting in Dutch-speaking Flanders has been upheld, shedding light on the country’s strict language laws.

The conductor, Ilyass Alba, said Belgium’s Permanent Commission for Linguistic Control  [sic, a quasi-judicial body in Belgium] had upheld a complaint made by a commuter in 2024. The passenger had objected to Alba’s use of the French word “bonjour” while the train was in Dutch-speaking Flanders.

I asked AIO whether Ilyass Alba is a Flemish name.  It answered:

No, Ilyass Alba is not a typically Flemish name.
    • Ilyass is a masculine given name with Arabic, Turkish, and Persian origins derived from the Arabic name Elias, which refers to the prophet Elijah.
    • Alba is a surname that can be Spanish, Italian, Romanian, or Scottish Gaelic in origin. While Alba can be a surname of Belgian origin, the surname is not among the top 10 most common surnames in the Flemish Region of Belgium.
Therefore, the combination of these names makes Ilyass Alba not a typically Flemish name.
 
Merci beaucoup | Hartelijk dank, AIO!
 
 
Selected readings

 

A dashing wizard

Jul. 18th, 2025 09:12 am
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Posted by Mark Liberman

From Jesse Sheidlower:

I hereby offer to supervise an MA thesis focused entirely on this one passage.

#linguistics

[image or embed]

— Jesse Sheidlower (@jessesword.com) July 17, 2025 at 2:02 PM

The cited passage is from Terry Prachett's 1987 novel Mort.

Here's the context:

    Three men had appeared behind him, as though extruded from the stonework. They had the heavy, stolid look of those thugs whose appearance in any narrative means that it’s time for the hero to be menaced a bit, although not too much, because it’s also obvious that they’re going to be horribly surprised.
     They were leering. They were good at it.
     One of them had drawn a knife, which he waved in little circles in the air. He advanced slowly towards Mort, while the other two hung back to provide immoral support.
     “Give us the money,” he rasped.

After some back-and-forth:

     “I think we kill you and take a chance on the money,” he said. “We don’t want this sort of thing to spread.”
     The other two drew their knives.
     Mort swallowed. “This could be unwise,” he said.
     “Why?”
     “Well, I won’t like it, for one.”
     “You’re not supposed to like it, you’re supposed to—die,” said the thief, advancing.
     “I don’t think I’m due to die,” said Mort, backing away. “I’m sure I would have been told.”
     “Yeah,” said the thief, who was getting fed up with this. “Yeah, well, you have been, haven’t you? Great steaming elephant turds!”
     Mort had just stepped backwards again. Through a wall.
     The leading thief glared at the solid stone that had swallowed Mort, and then threw down his knife.
     “Well, —- me,” he said. “A —-ing wizard. I hate —-ing wizards!”
     “You shouldn’t —- them, then,” muttered one of his henchmen, effortlessly pronouncing a row of dashes.
     The third member of the trio, who was a little slow of thinking, said, “Here, he walked through the wall!”

One quasi-linguistic note, for anyone who takes Jesse up on his offer: I presume that the image in Jesse's skeet comes from a printed book, because the Kindle version (inappropriately) eliminates the spaces corresponding to the boundaries of the bleeped words:

That's a typographical convention that annoys me when it eliminates spaces next to punctuational dashes. In Jesse's image, there are spaces on both sides of all of the dashes, except after the ones preceding "ing". That also strikes me as inappropriate to context — in the text reproduced above, I've added spaces around each bleeped word, but not between the intra-word letter-bleeping dashes.

Another linguistic question is how the readers of the Audible audiobook version render the dashes. However, I'm not willing to spend $23.24 to learn the answer (or even the special Audible-member price of $10.49), since my master's thesis days are long past.

In related news, there's a new-ish edition of The F-Word ….

 

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Posted by Victor Mair

The Weird Way Language Affects Our Sense of Time and Space
The languages we speak can have a surprising impact on the way we think about the world and even how we move through it.
Matt Warren and Miriam Frankel
This post originally appeared on BBC Future and was published November 4, 2022. This article is republished here (getpocket, Solo) with permission.

When I first scanned this article, I thought it was so lackluster, especially on contentious waters that we had successfully navigated just a few weeks ago (see "Selected readings"), I decided not to write about it on Language Log.  However, several colleagues called the article to my attention and said that it raised interesting questions, so I have gone ahead and posted on it despite my reservations.

Cognitive scientist Lera Boroditsky, one of the pioneers of research into how language manipulates our thoughts, has shown that English speakers typically view time as a horizontal line. They might move meetings forward or push deadlines back. They also tend to view time as travelling from left to right, most likely in line with how you are reading the text on this page or the way the English language is written.

This relationship to the direction text is written and time appears to apply in other languages too. Hebrew speakers, for example, who read and write from right to left, picture time as following the same path as their text. If you asked a Hebrew speaker to place photos on a timeline, they would most likely start from the right with the oldest images and then locate more recent ones to the left. 

Mandarin speakers, meanwhile, often envision time as a vertical line, where up represents the past and down the future. For example, they use the word xia ("down") when talking about future events, so that "next week" literally becomes "down week". As with English and Hebrew, this is also in line with how Mandarin traditionally was written and read – with lines running vertically, from the top of the page to the bottom.

So much for monolinguals.

Things start to get really strange, however, when looking at what happens in the minds of people who speak more than one language fluently. "With bilinguals, you are literally looking at two different languages in the same mind," explains Panos Athanasopoulos, a linguist at Lancaster University in the UK. "This means that you can establish a causal role of language on cognition, if you find that the same individual changes their behaviour when the language context changes."

Bilingual Mandarin and English speakers living in Singapore also showed a preference for left to right mental time mapping over right to left mental mapping. But amazingly, this group was also quicker to react to future oriented pictures if the future button was located below the past button – in line with Mandarin. Indeed, this also suggests that bilinguals may have two different views of time's direction – particularly if they learn both languages from an early age. 

One of the most discussed Whorfian topics on Language Log has to do with grammar and economics.

In 2013, Keith Chen, a behavioural economist at the University of California, Los Angeles, set out to test whether people who speak languages that are "futureless" might feel closer to the future than those who speak other languages. For example, German, Chinese, Japanese, Dutch and the Scandinavian languages have no linguistic barrier between the present and the future, while "futured languages", such as English, French, Italian, Spanish and Greek, encourage speakers to view the future as something separate from the present.

He discovered that speakers of futureless languages were more likely to engage in future-focused activities. They were 31% more likely to have put money into savings in any given year and had accumulated 39% more wealth by retirement. They were also 24% less likely to smoke, 29% more likely to be physically active, and 13% less likely to be medically obese. This result held even when controlling for factors such as socioeconomic status and religion. In fact, OECD countries (the group of industrialised nations) with futureless languages save on average 5% more of their GDP per year.

This correlation may sound like a fluke, with complex historical and political reasons perhaps being the real drivers. But Chen has since investigated whether variables such as culture or how languages are related could be influencing the results. When he accounted for these factors, the correlation was weaker – but nevertheless held in most cases. "The hypothesis still seems surprisingly robust to me," argues Chen. 

Despite all of their enthusiastic debates over whether some languages can make us wealthy and healthy and other languages make us poor and perilous, linguists are still arguing over whether the language we speak can leave us successful in business and robust (!) in life.  I wonder, though, whether the question has been properly phrased, and what Benjamin Lee Whorf himself would say of the economic claims that are being made on his behalf.

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to Mark Metcalf and Richard Warmington]

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Posted by Mark Liberman

In a comment on "Alignment", Sniffnoy wrote:

At least as far as I'm aware, the application of "alignment" to AI comes from Eliezer Yudkowsky or at least someone in his circles. He used to speak of "friendly AI" and "unfriendly AI". However, the meaning of these terms was fairly different from the plain meaning, which confused people. So at some point he switched to talking about "aligned" or "unaligned" AI.

This is certainly true — see e.g. Yudkowsky's 2016 essay "The AI alignment problem: why it is hard, and where to start".

However, an (almost?) exactly parallel usage was established in the sociological literature, more than half a century earlier, as discussed in Randall Stokes and John Hewitt, "Aligning actions" (1976):

A substantial body of literature has been developed within the symbolic interactionist tradition that focuses upon various tactics, ploys, methods, procedures and techniques found in social interaction under those circumstances where some feature of a situation is problematic. Mills' (1940) concept of motive talk, Scott and Lyman's (1968) discussion of accounts, Hewitt and Hall's (1973) and Hall and Hewitt's (1970) quasi-theorists, and Hewitt and Stokes' (1975) disclaimers are among the contributions to this literature. In addition, some of Goffman's work (1959; 1967; 1971) addresses itself to a similar set of issues, and McHugh's (1968) analysis of the concept of the definition of the situation is pertinent to the question of how people deal with problematic occurrences.

We refer to these phenomena collectively as aligning actions. Largely verbal efforts to restore or assure meaningful interaction in the face of problematic situations of one kind or another, activities such as disclaiming, requesting and giving accounts, constructing quasi-theoretical explanations of problematic situations, offering apologies, formulating the definition of a situation, and talking about motives illustrate a dual process of alignment. First, such activities are crucial to the process in which people create and sustain joint action by aligning individual lines of conduct when obstacles arise in its path. Second, and of particular import for the present analysis, aligning actions can be shown to play a major part in sustaining a relationship between culture and conduct, in maintaining an alignment between the two in the face of actions that depart from cultural expectations or definitions of what is situationally appropriate.

More from later in the paper:

Much, though not all, that is problematic in everyday life can be conceived in terms of a metaphor of alignment, a term that has a double meaning in the present analysis. First, alignment is a central metaphor in the interactionist analysis of conduct formation. Social interaction is con- ceived as a process in which people orient their conduct toward one another and toward a common set of objects. In this mutual orientation of conduct, an effort is made by participants to align their indi- vidual acts, one to another, in the creation of joint or social acts. 

[…]

The second meaning of alignment — and in the present essay the more crucial one  — revolves around the fact that problematic situations often involve misalignment between the actual or intended acts of participants and cultural ideals, expectations, beliefs, knowledge, and the like. "Alignment" in this sense has to do with perceived discrepancies between what is actually taking place in a given situation and what is thought to be typical, normatively expected, probable, desirable or, in other respects, more in accord with what is culturally normal.

That second sense is exactly what is now meant by alignment in the "AI alignment" discussion, or so it seems to me.

Yudkowsky's 2016 essay doesn't cite the sociological usage, and there's no bibliography to check — according to footnote 1 , "This document is a complete transcript of a talk that Eliezer Yudkowsky gave at Stanford University for the 26th Annual Symbolic Systems Distinguished Speaker series". I don't find a reference in a quick scan of his other publications  either, so presumably he perceived the term as just a normal part of the language of intellectual discourse.

Also unclear to me is the connection between the sociologists' alignment and the D&D version.

But anyhow, as the earlier post noted, "alignment, like journey, is an old word that has been finding new meanings and broader uses over the past few decades".

Tracks

Jul. 16th, 2025 02:38 pm
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Posted by Mark Liberman

In a comment on "Alignment", Bob Ladd wrote:

I was also curious about "track" in the announcement quoted in the OP. I don't think I've ever been to a conference where you can focus on a specific "track". Is this a tech thing? An AI thing? Or have I just not been paying attention?

The portion of the AAAI-26 page in question [emphasis added]:

AAAI-26 is pleased to announce a special track focused on AI Alignment.

Similar language can be found in the pages for AAAI-25:

AAAI-25 will feature technical paper presentations, special tracks, invited speakers, workshops, tutorials, poster sessions, senior member presentations, competitions, and exhibit programs, and a range of other activities to be announced.

And the same sentence in the page for  AAAI-24:

AAAI-24 will feature technical paper presentations, special tracks, invited speakers, workshops, tutorials, poster sessions, senior member presentations, competitions, and exhibit programs, and a range of other activities to be announced.

A similar usage can be found in the announcements for "Special Sessions" at Interspeech 2024 and Interspeech 2025:

Inaugurated for Interspeech 2024, the BLUE SKY track will again be open for submission this year. The Technical Program Chairs would like to encourage authors to consider submitting to this track of highly innovative papers with strong theoretical or conceptual justification in fields or directions that have not yet been explored. Large-scale experimental evaluation will not be required for papers in this track. Incremental work will not be accepted. If you are an 'out-of-the-box' thinker, who gets inspiration from high-risk, strange, unusual or unexpected ideas/directions that go purposefully against the mainstream topics and established research paradigms — please consider submitting a paper on this challenging and competitive track! Who knows you might launch the next scientific revolution in the speech field? Please note that to achieve the objectives of this BLUE SKY track, we will ask the most experienced reviewers (mainly our ISCA Fellow members) to assess the proposals.

Like may similar conferences, IEEE ICASSP 2025 has an "Industry Track". Here's a similar list from ACL 2025.

And back in 2013, the IEEE published a page on "Conference tracks" in the "2013 7th IEEE International Conference on Digital Ecosystems and Technologies (DEST)", which lists tracks A ("foundations of digital ecosystems and complex environment engineering") through K ("Big data ecosystems").

So without further delving, we can conclude that "track" has been widely used for a while to mean a set of conference presentations that are temporally and spatially diffuse, but topically coherent. This is  useful for participants finding their way through multiple parallel sessions, and (at least sometimes) it also plays a role in the refereeing of submission.

The cultural orbit of this usage is not clear to me — I don't see it in materials for LSA or MLA meetings, but it's certainly common in conferences like AAAI, Interspeech, IEEE, ACL, and so on. Before thinking about Bob's question, it never occurred to me that it was not a natural and universal usage.

 

 

 

Alignment

Jul. 15th, 2025 07:57 pm
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Posted by Mark Liberman

In today's email there was a message from AAAI 2026 that included a "Call for the Special Track on AI Alignment""

AAAI-26 is pleased to announce a special track focused on AI Alignment. This track recognizes that as we begin to build more and more capable AI systems, it becomes crucial to ensure that the goals and actions of such systems are aligned with human values. To accomplish this, we need to understand the risks of these systems and research methods to mitigate these risks. The track covers many different aspects of AI Alignment, including but not limited to the following topics:

  • Value alignment and reward modeling: How do we accurately model a diverse set of human preferences, and ensure that AI systems are aligned to these same preferences?
  • Scalable oversight and control: How can we effectively supervise, monitor and control increasingly capable AI systems? How do we ensure that such systems behave according to predefined safety considerations?
  • Robustness and security: How do we create AI systems that work well in new or adversarial environments, including scenarios where a malicious actor is intentionally attempting to misuse the system?
  • Interpretability: How can we understand and explain the operations of AI models to a diverse set of stakeholders in a transparent and methodical manner?
  • Governance: How do we put in place policies and regulations that manage the development and deployment of AI models to ensure broad societal benefits and fairly distributed societal risks?
  • Superintelligence: How can we control and monitor systems that may, in some respects, surpass human intelligence and capabilities?
  • Evaluation: How can we evaluate the safety of models and the effectiveness of various alignment techniques, including both technical and human-centered approaches?
  • Participation: How can we actively engage impacted individuals and communities in shaping the set of values to which AI systems align?

This reminded me of my participation a few months ago in the advisory committee for "ARIA: Aligning Research to Impact Autism", which was one of the four initiatives of the "Coalition for Aligning Science".

Alignment, like journey, is an old word that has been finding new meanings and broader uses over the past few decades. I suspect a role for Dungeons & Dragons, which has been impacting broader culture in many ways since the 1970s:

In the Dungeons & Dragons (D&D) fantasy role-playing game, alignment is a categorization of the ethical and moral perspective of player characters, non-player characters, and creatures.

Most versions of the game feature a system in which players make two choices for characters. One is the character's views on "law" versus "chaos", the other on "good" versus "evil". The two axes, along with "neutral" in the middle, allow for nine alignments in combination. […]

The original version of D&D (1974) allowed players to choose among three alignments when creating a character: lawful, implying honor and respect for society's rules; chaotic, implying rebelliousness and individualism; and neutral, seeking a balance between the extremes.

In 1976, Gary Gygax published an article title "The Meaning of Law and Chaos in Dungeons and Dragons and Their Relationships to Good and Evil" in The Strategic Review Volume 2, issue 1, that introduced a second axis of good, implying altruism and respect for life, versus evil, implying selfishness and no respect for life. The 1977 release of the Dungeons & Dragons Basic Set incorporated this model. As with the law-versus-chaos axis, a neutral position exists between the extremes. Characters and creatures could be lawful and evil at the same time (such as a tyrant), or chaotic but good (such as Robin Hood).

For some metaphorical extensions, see "Alignment charts and other low-dimensional visualizations", 1/7/2020.

A quick scan of Google Research results shows a steady increase in references including the word alignment, though 2014 or so. (I've included counts for the word results to check for general corpus-size increases).

  YEARS   ALIGNMENT RESULTS  RATIO
1970-1974   19000   200000   10.53
1975-1979   31700   350000   11.04
1980-1984   56900   355000    6.24 
1985-1989  119999   305000    2.54 
1990-1994  207000   362000    1.75 
1995-1999  363000   546000    1.50
2000-2004  644000   799000    1.24 
2005-2009 1080000   856000    0.79 
2010-2014 1220000   760000    0.62 
2015-2019 1200000  1260000    1.05 
2020-2024  967000  1800000    1.86

And a graphical version:

It would be interesting to track the evolution, across the decades in various cultural areas, of meaning and sentiment for alignment and aligning.

Spinach smorgasbord

Jul. 15th, 2025 10:00 am
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Posted by Victor Mair

I want to thank Jonathan Silk (comment here) for pushing Popeye to further heights and deeper depths in our understanding of his favorite vegetable.  We're not "finiched" with spinach yet.

Now it's getting very interesting and confusing (Armenian is creeping in):

palak

English

Etymology

From Hindi पालक (pālak), from Sanskrit पालक्या (pālakyā).

Noun

palak (uncountable)

    1. (India, cooking) Spinach or similar greens (including Amaranthus species and Chenopodium album).

Turkish

Etymology

Borrowed from Armenian բալախ (balax), dialectal փալախ (pʻalax).

Noun

palak (definite accusative palağı, plural palaklar)

    1. (dialectal, Artvin) leaf
    2. (dialectal, Ahlat) a tender soft grass that grows in wet places
    3. (dialectal, Artvin) short grass that grows again after being mown
    4. (dialectal, Divriği) crop sown early that remains short and does not form ears
    5. (dialectal, Çemişgezek, Ağın, Şanlıurfa, Ankara) dry grass
    6. (dialectal, Ahlat) type of grass eaten by animals
    7. (dialectal, Ardanuç) time of crop to form ears
    8. (dialectal, Ovacık) dry grass

Related terms

References

    • palaḫ (II)”, in Türkiye'de halk ağzından derleme sözlüğü [Compilation Dictionary of Popular Speech in Turkey] (in Turkish), volume 9, Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu, 1977, page 3382a
    • palak (IV), (V)”, in Türkiye'de halk ağzından derleme sözlüğü [Compilation Dictionary of Popular Speech in Turkey] (in Turkish), volume 9, Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu, 1977, page 3382b
    • Dankoff, Robert (1995) Armenian Loanwords in Turkish (Turcologica; 21), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, § 41, page 24
    • Bläsing, Uwe (1992) Armenisches Lehngut im Türkeitürkischen am Beispiel von Hemşin (Dutch Studies in Armenian Language and Literature; 2) (in German), Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, § 101, pages 64–65

(Wiktionary)

Armenian

spanakh սպանախ, but we also have to contend with balax բալախ < Mid. Arm. balax բալախ < Old Arm. balax բալախ (common glasswort [Salicornia europaea]), which we have cited from Wiktionary several times above, without any indication of where it comes from.  Surely, though, it must be cognate with Hindi पालक (pālak) < Sanskrit पालक्या (pālakyā).  So how / when did it pass between Sanskrit and Armenian?

Japanese

Nathan Hopson:

Wikipedia gives the following for the etymology of ほうれん草
 
ホウレンソウ(菠薐草)の由来は、中国の唐代に「頗稜(ホリン)国」(現在のネパール)から伝えられたことによる[6]。後に改字して「菠薐(ホリン)」となり、日本では転訛して「ホウレン」となった[7][8]。「ホウレン」の語源は、「菠薐」の唐音とされ[6]、「法蓮草」は当て字とされる。
 
"The etymology of hōrensō 菠薐草 is from the Táng dynasty-era name Horin 頗稜(ホリン)国 (Nepal). The characters later changed to 菠薐(ホリン), which came to be pronounced hōren (not horin) in Japan… [The alternative]  法蓮草 is phonetic assignation."
 
The entry for 頗稜 includes this:
 
Compare modern Nepali पालुङ्गो (pāluṅgo, “spinach”), Assamese পালেং (paleṅ), Bengali পালং (paloṅ, “spinach (Spinacia oleracea)”). Possibly the source of 菠菜 (bōcài).

The following two Chinese blogs provide much interesting information and food for thought.

Wáng Guóliáng 王國良 (5/2/16) emphasizes the pentagonal cross section of the spinach stem to account for the lîng / ren 薐 syllable / morpheme in the Taiwanese and Japanese words for the plant.

 He was preceded in some of his ideas by Susan Plant Kingdom Blogspot (2/4/16), such as that 菠薐 was fancifully transcribed in Teochew / Chaozhou and other Southern Min topolects as bue-lóng 飛龍 ("flying dragon").

Korean

From Bob Ramsey:

sigeumchi 시금치

Korean word for 'spinach': it's 시금치. However, I confess I hadn't really thought about what the origin of the word was, so I immediately went to some reliable Korean lexical sources, and they all repeat what you'll find in a Wikipedia search, namely, that the word was borrowed from Chinese 赤根菜 'red-root vegetable', adding that it's probably borrowed from the Early Mandarin form of the word. It seems it was first attested in Korea in a 1517 Middle Korean text, where the form was written sikunchoy (transcribed in Martin's Yale Romanization).

There are still a lot of loose ends / fibers, so we may have to come back for a second / third helping later on.  For now, though:

Tilt Forums

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to Bob Ramsey

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Posted by Victor Mair

This research investigates the semantic change and conceptual metaphor of the Thai word prèet (/เปรต/), which originates from the Pali-Sanskrit term meaning “departed.” The primary objective is to explore how the term’s meaning has shifted in contemporary Thai society, where it is now used pejoratively to criticize behaviors such as excessive greed, gluttony, immorality, and social deviance. Data for this study are drawn from both historical texts, particularly the Traibhumi Phra Ruang (a prominent Thai Buddhist text from the 14th-century Sukhothai period), and modern Thai linguistic usage. The analysis employs conceptual metaphor theory, focusing on metaphors like SOCIAL DEVIANCE IS MONSTROSITY, MORAL FAILURE IS DEGRADATION, GREED IS HUNGER, and SPIRITUAL LIMINALITY IS MONSTROSITY. to understand how these shifts reflect changing cultural and societal values. Additionally, Impoliteness Theory is applied to examine how prèet functions as a linguistic tool for social critique. Findings show that the semantic evolution of prèet reveals an intricate relationship between language, culture, and metaphor, as it transitions from a religious concept to a vehicle for social commentary. The implications of this study highlight the dynamic nature of language in reflecting societal shifts.

The socioeconomic background of people and how they use standard forms of language are not independent, as demonstrated in various sociolinguistic studies. However, the extent to which these correlations may be influenced by the mixing of people from different socioeconomic classes remains relatively unexplored from a quantitative perspective. In this work we leverage geotagged tweets and transferable computational methods to map deviations from standard English across eight UK metropolitan areas. We combine these data with high-resolution income maps to assign a proxy socioeconomic indicator to home-located users. Strikingly, we find a consistent pattern suggesting that the more different socioeconomic classes mix, the less interdependent the frequency of their departures from standard grammar and their income become. Further, we propose an agent-based model of linguistic variety adoption that sheds light on the mechanisms that produce the observations seen in the data.

  • "Re-Examining Second Language Acquisition of English Reflexives: New Evidence for Lexical Learning Driven Process and against First Language Transfer." Zeng, Li et al. Humanities and Social Sciences Communications 12, no. 1 (July 9, 2025): 1063. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599-025-05466-8.

This study re-examines second language (L2) acquisition of English reflexives by testing 98 first language (L1)-Chinese learners of L2 English with different proficiency levels and 12 native English speakers as controls. Using a truth-value judgment task, we systematically tapped the learners’ judgments of various types of antecedents including long-distance objects. The results show that L2 English learners’ errors in referring English reflexives to long-distance antecedents cannot be due to L1 transfer of Chinese reflexive referential pattern. Instead, these errors align with those documented in the literature on native English children’s acquisition of reflexives. Moreover, as L1-Chinese learners’ English proficiency improved, most of them unlearned the errors, and performed similarly to native English adult controls. This developmental trajectory recapitulates the pattern seen in native English children’s acquisition of reflexives. These findings cast doubt on the view of L1 Chinese transfer and provide support for the Lexical Learning Hypothesis.

  • "Metaphor Interpretation in Jordanian Arabic, Emirati Arabic and Classical Arabic: Artificial Intelligence vs. Humans." Zibin, Aseel et al. Humanities and Social Sciences Communications 12, no. 1 (July 1, 2025): 942. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599-025-05282-0.

This study examines how well humans, both Jordanians and Emiratis, and four AI tools—ChatGPT-4, ChatGPT-3.5, Google Gemini, and Ask PDF—can understand metaphors in Classical Arabic (CA) and its everyday forms in Jordanian Arabic (JA) and Emirati Arabic (EA). We tested fifty participants from Jordan and the UAE on their grasp of various colloquial and CA metaphorical expressions. Two distinct tests were employed, each comprising 40 items. Test 1 was administered to Jordanian participants and included 20 metaphorical expressions in Jordanian Arabic and 20 metaphorical expressions in Classical Arabic. Similarly, Test 2 was administered to Emirati participants and contained 20 expressions in Emirati Arabic and 20 expressions in Classical Arabic. The Mann–Whitney U test was employed to evaluate differences in accuracy and interpretation between AI tools and human participants from both regions in the contexts of colloquial and Classical Arabic. The results showed that participants from Jordan had a better understanding than the AI tools, likely due to their strong cultural background. In contrast, the Emirati participants performed similarly to the AI. The AI tools were more effective at interpreting CA metaphors compared to Emirati participants; AI tools are typically trained on diverse datasets and that usually leads to strong performance in interpreting formal or Classical Arabic expressions. These findings emphasize the need for improvements in AI models to boost their language processing abilities, as they often miss the cultural aspects required for accurately interpreting figurative language. This study adds to the ongoing discussion about AI and language interpretation, revealing both the potential and the obstacles AI faces when dealing with culturally rich and context-sensitive language.

Religions, topolects, language learning, AI — linguistics is exciting and ever changing, never boring.

[Thanks to Edward M "Ted" McClure]

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Posted by Victor Mair

Bibliographical cornucopia for linguists, part 1

Since we have such an abundance of interesting articles for this fortnight, I will divide the collection into two parts, and provide each entry with an abstract or paragraph length quotation.

A fundamental question in word learning is how, given only evidence about what objects a word has previously referred to, children are able to generalize to the correct class. How does a learner end up knowing that “poodle” only picks out a specific subset of dogs rather than the broader class and vice versa? Numerous phenomena have been identified in guiding learner behavior such as the “suspicious coincidence effect” (SCE)—that an increase in the sample size of training objects facilitates more narrow (subordinate) word meanings. While SCE seems to support a class of models based in statistical inference, such rational behavior is, in fact, consistent with a range of algorithmic processes. Notably, the broadness of semantic generalizations is further affected by the temporal manner in which objects are presented—either simultaneously or sequentially. First, I evaluate the experimental evidence on the factors influencing generalization in word learning. A reanalysis of existing data demonstrates that both the number of training objects and their presentation-timing independently affect learning. This independent effect has been obscured by prior literature’s focus on possible interactions between the two. Second, I present a computational model for learning that accounts for both sets of phenomena in a unified way. The Naïve Generalization Model (NGM) offers an explanation of word learning phenomena grounded in category formation. Under the NGM, learning is local and incremental, without the need to perform a global optimization over pre-specified hypotheses. This computational model is tested against human behavior on seven different experimental conditions for word learning, varying over presentation-timing, number, and hierarchical relation between training items. Looking both at qualitative parameter-independent behavior and quantitative parameter-tuned output, these results support the NGM and suggest that rational learning behavior may arise from local, mechanistic processes rather than global statistical inference.

A crucial feature of language is the ability to communicate cognitive goals to a specific audience, i.e. goal-directed intentionality. Core criteria for this ability include (i) audience directedness: signalling in the presence of an attentive audience, (ii) persistence: continuing signalling until goals are met, and (iii) elaboration: using new signals following communicative failure. While intentional use has been demonstrated in individual gestures in some non-primates, primates—in particular apes—show this ability across many gestures. But is goal-directed intentionality across many gestures restricted to primates? We explored whether savannah elephants use many gestures with goal-directed intentionality. We presented semi-captive elephants with desired and non-desired items, recording their communicative attempts when an experimenter met, partially met or failed to meet their goal of getting the desired item. Elephants used 38 gesture types almost exclusively when a visually attentive experimenter was present, demonstrating audience directedness. They persisted in gesturing more when their goal was partially as compared with fully met but showed no difference in persistence when the goal was met or not met. Elephants elaborated their gesturing when their goal was not met. We find goal-directed intentionality across many elephant gestures and reveal that elephants, like apes, assess the communicative effectiveness of their gesturing.

The extensive vocal repertoire of mountain chickadees has yet to be fully documented. There are five basic categories of call types:

    • Contact calls: communicate identity, sort of like a name, and location.
    • “Chick-a-dee” calls: coordinate flock movement and communicate a variety of complex information about the environment, from food availability to predator presence and type.
    • Alarm calls: alert others of the presence of a predator.
    • Begging calls: used by chicks or females to elicit feeding behavior from males.
    • Gargle calls: advertise dominance over other individuals in a flock, primarily used by males.

“Chick-a-dee” calls contain several elements resembling the basic elements of human grammar. Essentially, the various sounds a chickadee utters mean different things, similar to words in human languages. And the way that a chickadee combines these sounds changes the meaning. Word order matters, just like grammar matters in human language. If a chickadee were to phrase its calls in the wrong note order, the call would no longer convey the same meaning, even if composed of the same elements.

The author distinguishes between the two large categories of songs and calls.  A video is included; in it you can hear the author distinguish and mimic different types of bird talk

In 2015, the editors of the Oxford English Dictionary went all-in on the still-novel phenomenon of emoji. That year, the guardians of the venerable OED named the FACE WITH TEARS OF JOY emoji ()—now, as then, the world’s most popular emoji—as Word of the Year, beating out such zingers as “ad blocker,” “Brexit,” “lumbersexual,” “on fleek,” and “sharing economy.” For emoji to be blessed in this way by the OED was remarkable enough, but it also invited a question: if was a word, did that make emoji a language?

This morning I stood out on my stoop and listened to a flock of crows conversing.  After about 5 minutes, I could distinguish a variety of different caws and calls.  Some were soft and subdued, almost like whispers, others were excited and raucous.  I was convinced that, if I listened to them for half a day and observed their behavior in relation to the caws and calls, I would be able to figure out what they were communicating to each other.

Then I sat down at my computer and wrote some messages to friends.  It has become my custom to follow my signature with the emoji for a snail, which happens to be my logo, and has been for many decades.  I don't know if it will come through in WordPress, but I'll give it a try:  VHM .  That is pronounced "snail / wōniú / ghongha / ciplēkirā / katatsumuri / etc., etc., etc."

[Thanks to Edward M "Ted" McClure] 

Recursive summarization

Jul. 14th, 2025 10:20 am
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Posted by Mark Liberman

Today's SMBC:

The mouseover title: "I saw an article that said it was a 3 minute read then offered an AI summary, and I believe it may be included in an eventual epitaph for civilization."

The Aftercomic:

Of course it's not just news…

So far, none of the AI helpers offer emotionally indicative grunting noises. At least not as far as I know, though maybe Grok is on it?

Accurate graphical summarizations would actually sometimes be useful. Current AI poster generation is about posters to advertise an event, not the sort of figures that would be useful as a summary of complex material, e.g. here:

Update — As Gregory Kusnick notes in the comments, it goes in the other direction as well:

Fortunately there's another AI that can generate a three-minute exegesis of the grunt.

This suggests a new take on the old trope of translating back and forth between two languages (using either human or machine translators) — maximally summarize an essay, and then expand the summarization, once or many times.

The effect of AI tools on coding

Jul. 13th, 2025 12:09 pm
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Posted by Mark Liberman

Joel Becker et al., "Measuring the Impact of Early-2025 AI on Experienced Open-Source Developer Productivity", METR 7/10/2025:

Despite widespread adoption, the impact of AI tools on software development in the wild remains understudied. We conduct a randomized controlled trial (RCT) to understand how AI tools at the February–June 2025 frontier affect the productivity of experienced open-source developers. 16 developers with moderate AI experience complete 246 tasks in mature projects on which they have an average of 5 years of prior experience. Each task is randomly assigned to allow or disallow usage of early-2025 AI tools. When AI tools are allowed, developers primarily use Cursor Pro, a popular code editor, and Claude 3.5/3.7 Sonnet. Before starting tasks, developers forecast that allowing AI will reduce completion time by 24%. After completing the study, developers estimate that allowing AI reduced completion time by 20%. Surprisingly, we find that allowing AI actually increases completion time by 19%—AI tooling slowed developers down. This slowdown also contradicts predictions from experts in economics (39% shorter) and ML (38% shorter). To understand this result, we collect and evaluate evidence for 20 properties of our setting that a priori could contribute to the observed slowdown effect—for example, the size and quality standards of projects, or prior developer experience with AI tooling. Although the influence of experimental artifacts cannot be entirely ruled out, the robustness of the slowdown effect across our analyses suggests it is unlikely to primarily be a function of our experimental design.


(See also this version…)

A graph of their results:

This Swedish thesis confirmed those survey results, but did not test actual development time — the METR results show that users' opinions about productivity are by no means always accurate. Of course those METR results were based on Claude 3.5 — Claude 4 might be different. Or might not be. And maybe making coders feel good is worth a 19% productivity decline…

(Here's someone who's really enthusiastic about using Claude Code — I assume the latest version — but again, it's opinion and not productivity measurement.)

Articles like "Generative AI is Turning Publishing Into a Swamp of Slop" (7/10/2025) suggest that LLMs are enhancing "productivity" in certain corners of the publishing industry. So it would be interesting to understand (beyond the obvious reasons) why coding is different, and what the implications are for other applications.

The METR discussion includes some attempts to "very roughly gesture at some salient important differences", which would apply in other fields. My own concern, based on considerable experience, is that the motives of the administrators (and consultants) responsible for tool choice are pretty clearly not always aligned with productivity improvements. Or user satisfaction, for that matter…

Asterisk the Gaul

Jul. 13th, 2025 10:49 am
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Posted by Victor Mair

A learned friend recently sent me a draft composition on medieval Chinese history in which he referred to "*" as an "asterix".  This reminded me that ten years ago I wrote a post, "The many pronunciations of '*'" (12/17/15), on this subject and we had a lengthy, vigorous discussion about it.

Given that lately we've been talking a lot about Celts, Galatians, and so on, I think it is appropriate to write another post on Asterix the Gaul, that famous French comic book character, and how he got his name.  Also inspired / prompted by Chris Button's latest comment.

I often hear "*" pronounced "asterix" or "asterick", and so on (e.g., "astrisk" [two syllables], esp. in rapid speech).  It's hard even for me to pronounce "*" or type the symbol those ways, so ingrained is the pronunciation "as-ter-isk".

First, a little refresher course on "*", how / when it came about, how it is written, how it is pronounced, and what it signifies:

The asterisk (/ˈæstərɪsk/ *), from Late Latin asteriscus, from Ancient Greek ἀστερίσκος, asteriskos, "little star", is a typographical symbol. It is so called because it resembles a conventional image of a heraldic star.

Computer scientists and mathematicians often vocalize it as star (as, for example, in the A* search algorithm or C*-algebra). An asterisk is usually five- or six-pointed in print and six- or eight-pointed when handwritten, though more complex forms exist. Its most common use is to call out a footnote. It is also often used to censor offensive words.

The asterisk was already in use as a symbol in ice age cave paintings. There is also a two-thousand-year-old character used by Aristarchus of Samothrace called the asteriskos, , which he used when proofreading Homeric poetry to mark lines that were duplicated. Origen is known to have also used the asteriskos to mark missing Hebrew lines from his Hexapla. The asterisk evolved in shape over time, but its meaning as a symbol used to correct defects remained.

In the Middle Ages, the asterisk was used to emphasize a particular part of text, often linking those parts of the text to a marginal comment. However, an asterisk was not always used.

One hypothesis to the origin of the asterisk is that it stems from the 5000-year-old Sumerian character dingir , though this hypothesis seems to only be based on visual appearance.

(Wikipedia)

Now, on to how Asterix the Gaul and the other characters in the comic got their names.

All the fictional characters in Asterix have names which are puns on their roles or personalities, and which follow certain patterns specific to nationality. Certain rules are followed (most of the time) such as Gauls (and their neighbours) having an "-ix" suffix for the men and ending in "-a" for the women; for example, Chief Vitalstatistix (so called due to his portly stature) and his wife Impedimenta (often at odds with the chief). The male Roman names end in "-us", echoing Latin nominative male singular form, as in Gluteus Maximus, a muscle-bound athlete whose name is literally the butt of the joke. Gothic names (present-day Germany) end in "-ic", after Gothic chiefs such as Alaric and Theoderic; for example Rhetoric the interpreter. Greek names end in "-os" or "-es"; for example, Thermos the restaurateur. British names usually end in "-ax" or "-os" and are often puns on the taxation associated with the later United Kingdom; examples include Mykingdomforanos, a British tribal chieftain, Valuaddedtax the druid, and Selectivemploymentax the mercenary. Names of Normans end with "-af", for example Nescaf or Cenotaf. Egyptian characters often end in -is, such as the architects Edifis and Artifis, and the scribe Exlibris. Indic names, apart from the only Indic female characters Orinjade and Lemuhnade, exhibit considerable variation; examples include Watziznehm, Watzit, Owzat, and Howdoo. Other nationalities are treated to pidgin translations from their language, like Huevos y Bacon, a Spanish chieftain (whose name, meaning eggs and bacon, is often guidebook Spanish for tourists), or literary and other popular media references, like Dubbelosix (a sly reference to James Bond's codename "007").[68]

Most of these jokes, and hence the names of the characters, are specific to the translation; for example, the druid named Getafix in English translation – "get a fix", referring to the character's role in dispensing the magic potion – is Panoramix in the original French and Miraculix in German.[69] Even so, occasionally the wordplay has been preserved: Obelix's dog, known in the original French as Idéfix (from idée fixe, a "fixed idea" or obsession), is called Dogmatix in English, which not only renders the original meaning strikingly closely ("dogmatic") but in fact adds another layer of wordplay with the syllable "Dog-" at the beginning of the name.

The name Asterix, French Astérix, comes from astérisque, meaning "asterisk", which is the typographical symbol * indicating a footnote, from the Greek word ἀστήρ (aster), meaning a "star". His name is usually left unchanged in translations, aside from accents and the use of local alphabets. For example, in Esperanto, Polish, Slovene, Latvian, and Turkish it is Asteriks (in Turkish he was first named Bücür meaning "shorty", but the name was then standardised). Two exceptions include Icelandic, in which he is known as Ástríkur ("Rich of love"), and Sinhala, where he is known as සූර පප්පා (Soora Pappa), which can be interpreted as "Hero". The name Obelix (Obélix) may refer to "obelisk", a stone column from ancient Egypt (and hence his large size and strength and his task of carrying around menhirs), but also to another typographical symbol, the obelisk or obelus ().

For explanations of some of the other names, see List of Asterix characters.

The translators who created all of these different versions in so many languages are to be commended for maintaining the humorous spirit of the onomastics in the original.  "Vive 'Astérix le Gaulois'!"

 

Selected readings

 

Steele v. Monboddo

Jul. 12th, 2025 04:40 pm
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Posted by Mark Liberman

In "AI win of the week" I explored the inter-personal dimensions of Rousseau's 1754 contention that "there is neither rhythm nor melody in French music, because the language is not capable of them". In the comments, AntC objected that "But, but. Rousseau wrote an opera, in French, to his own Libretto. audio + full score available on Youtube".

For now, I have only two comments on this. First, trolls are often happy to abandon consistency in the service of pwning their audience. And second, the 1754 edition of Rousseau's screed, published two years after the debut of his opera, goes into considerable detail about how he painfully transferred the musicality of Italian prosody to the composition and performance of a work with French lyrics.

But rather than diving further into Rousseau's argument about the relative musicality of different languages' prosody, the point of today's post is to note its resonance with another mid-18th century prosodic dispute, namely Joshua Steele's refutation of James Burnett's claim that English prosody gives its syllables "nothing better than the music of a drum, in which we perceive no difference except that of louder or softer, according as the instrument is more or less forcibly struck".

My connection with this argument began in 1973, when I was trying to learn something about English intonation. The (very small) relevant section of the stacks in MIT's library happened to have (a facsimile edition of) Steele's 1775 work, An Essay Towards Establishing the Melody and Measure of Speech to be Expressed and Perpetuated by Peculiar Symbols. I read it carefully and learned a lot.

One of the first things I learned was Steele's motivation for the enterprise. His description starts this way:

[M]y learned and honoured friend Sir John Pringle, President of the Royal Society, desired me to give him, in writing, my opinion on the musical part of a very curious and ingenious work lately published at Edinburgh, on The Origin and Progress of Language, which I should find principally in part II. book ii, chap. 4. and 5. wherein several propositions, denying that our language has either the melody of modulation, or the rhythmus of quantity, gave occasion to the following systematic attempt to prove the contrary.

At that point I paid no further attention to Monboddo's  "very curious and ingenious work", partly because I was convinced by Steele's arguments against it, and partly because the library didn't have a copy of (any of the six volumes) of  the work in question.  But digital facsimiles are now easy to come by, and so I've taken a look at the stuff that led Pringle to question Steele, and led Steele to write his essay.

The author was James Burnett, Lord Monboddo (see Language Hat's post on the interpretation of the name), and the six volumes of The Origin and Progress of Language were published between 1774 and 1792. Volume II was part of the initial 1774 publication,  giving Steele only a year to prepare and publish his response a year later.

The relevant pages of Monboddo's work are here, if you really want to slog through them. The critical passage comes at the end:

But what do we mean then when we speak so much of accent in English, and dispute whether a word is right or wrong accented? My answer is, That we have, no doubt, accents in English, and syllabical accents too: but they are of a quite different kind from the antient accents ; for there is no change of the tone in them; but the voice is only raised more, so as to be louder upon one syllable than another. Our accents therefore fall under the first member of the division of sound, which I made in the beginning of this chapter, namely, the distinction of louder, and softer, or lower.

That there is truly no other difference, is a matter of fact, that must be determined by musicians. Now I appeal to them, whether they can perceive any difference of tone betwixt the accented and unaccented syllables of any word; and if there be none, then is the music of our language in this respect nothing better than the music of a drum, in which we perceive no difference except that of louder or softer, according as the instrument is more or less forcibly struck.

Of course Monboddo is also wrong that drum sounds can differ only in loudness and not in frequency content — watch and listen here for a refutation, or here for another (and more linguistically relevant) one.

But in fairness to Lord Monboddo, his "English accents are like drum beats" claim is not quite so idiotically tone-deaf as it seems, since he makes two other claims earlier that fuzzify it somewhat. One is the idea that English pitch changes exist, but only as "the tones of passion or sentiment":

As to accents in English, Mr Foster, from a partiality, very excusable, to his country, and its language, would fain persuade us, that in English there are accents such as in Greek and Latin. But to me it is evident that there are none such; by which I mean that we have no accents upon syllables, which are musical tones, differing in acuteness or gravity. For though, no doubt, there are changes of voice in our speaking from acute to grave, and vice versa, of which a musician could mark the intervals, these changes are not upon syllables, but upon words or sentences. And they are the tones of passion or sentiment, which, as I observed, are to be distinguished from the accents we are speaking of.

And he adds

[T]here is another difference betwixt our accents and the antient, that ours neither are, nor can, by their nature, be subjected to any rule ; whereas the antient, as we have seen, are governed by rules, and make part of their grammatical art.

Anyhow, Steele took it on himself not only to show that English had "melody and measure", but also to provide "peculiar symbols" for expressing it. The pages where he introduces his notation are here.  His instrumental analysis method — using a bass viol — is better than any other one that would be available for the following couple of hundred years:

Along with some other notational inventions, the result is transcriptions like this:

And his conclusions:

1st, That the sound or melody of speecb is not monotonous, or confined like the found of a drum, to exhibit no other changes than those of loud or soft.

2dly, That the changes of voice from acute to grave, and vice versa, do not proceed by pointed degrees coinciding with
the divisions of the chromatico-diatonic scale; but by gradations that seem infinitely smaller (which we call slides); and though altogether of a great extent, are yet too rapid (for inexperienced ears) to be distinctly sub-divided; consequently they must be submitted to some other genus of music than either the diatonic or chromatic.

3dly, That these changes are made, not only upon words and upon sentences, but upon syllables and monosyllables. Also,

4thly, and lastly, That in our changes on syllables or monofyllables, the voice slides, at least, through as great an extent as the Greeks allowed to their accents; that is, through a fifth, more or less.

Not having access to a bass viol, I followed Steele's example using a computer program for a PDP-9, allowing figures like this one from my 1975 dissertation:

Though for presentational purposes, Ivan Sag used a kazoo in presentations like this one:

 

Tâigael, part 2

Jul. 11th, 2025 10:05 pm
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Posted by Victor Mair

[This is a guest post by Chau Wu]

The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (TPC) was first planted by British missionaries in Tainan, which later expanded to all southern parts of Taiwan, constituting the present Southern Synod of TPC. The most important pioneer among them was the Scottish missionary Rev. Thomas Barclay who worked in Taiwan-Fu (the present Tainan).  He was born in Glasgow, and matriculated at the University of Glasgow. While there, he studied under Sir William Thomson, later Lord Kelvin [according to Wikipedia]. The celebrated Lord Kelvin reminds me of the absolute zero degree in physical chemistry and the electric cable equation as the underpinning of the Transatlantic cable as well as the conduction of electric impulses along nerve fibers. 

The majority of Taiwanese Christians are Presbyterian. Those who are aware of the church history always associate the solid establishment of TPC with Barclay, and his name shows up in Barclay Memorial Park and Barclay Memorial Church in Tainan City. The following picture shows the church name on the lintel above the door of the church in POJ: Tâi-Lâm Tang-M̂ng Pa-Khek-Lé Kì-Liām Kàu-Hōe (Tainan East Gate Barclay Memorial Church). You see there are no Sinographs such as the expected 台南東門巴克禮紀念教會 on it!  Only the Romanized Taiwanese script.  Since Barclay was a Scot, I would say this title on the church lintel may qualify as a good example of Tâigael.

(From Wikipedia)

Interestingly, the present Northern Synod of TPC had its beginning in 60 churches established by Rev. George Mackay, a Scottish-Canadian who graduated with a theological degree from Princeton Theological Seminary and received postgraduate training in theology at Edinburgh University. His parents, George Mackay and Helen Sutherland, emigrated from Sutherlandshire of Scotland. So, here we have another case of Tâigael linkage, albeit by a generation removed from Scotland. On a personal note, my grandfather was the second earliest of his many students and was among the first 5 Taiwanese of northern Taiwan to receive baptism from him at Tamsui. The Presbyterian church at Tamsui has a marble plaque recording this event.

Perhaps to those of us among Language Log readers who are interested in Taiwanese linguistics, one of the most important figures is the Scottish missionary Rev. William Campbell.

William Campbell (ChinesePe̍h-ōe-jīKam Ûi-lîm) (1841–1921) was a Scottish Presbyterian missionary to Formosa (Qing Taiwan). He wrote extensively on topics related to Taiwan and was also responsible for founding the island's first school for the blind.[3] Interested in the early history of the island (particularly the Dutch era), his knowledge of the time was such that he was called "without doubt the greatest authority on this subject living".[4] He was probably the first European to see Sun-Moon Lake,[5] which he named Lake Candidius in honour of the seventeenth century Dutch missionary George Candidius.

Campbell arrived in Qing-era Taiwan in 1871 to begin his mission in southern Taiwan, being stationed in Taiwan-fu, the capital of Taiwan Prefecture (modern-day Tainan) and serving both Han Chinese and Taiwanese aborigines in the area.[6] He was a contemporary of Thomas BarclayJames Laidlaw Maxwell and George Leslie Mackay, who were all engaged in missionary work in Taiwan.

(source)

A major contribution of his, “A Dictionary of the Amoy Vernacular Spoken throughout the Prefectures of Chin-chiu, Chiang-chiu and Formosa (Taiwan) 廈門音新字典” stands out as the Tâigael example par excellence. This dictionary, compiled by a Scot, is ironically for me a Taiwanese, the go-to handbook for studying Taiwanese historical linguistics.

Tâigael works wonders in the spread of gospel to Taiwan.

 

Selected readings

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Posted by Victor Mair

As announced in the title of the first post on this subject, my aim is to understand where the Galatians originated and how / why they migrated to where they were when Apostle Paul wrote his epistle to them.  Since I was apparently insufficiently clear about both of those purposes in part 1, in this follow-up post I will provide additional scholarly material.  Inasmuch as the identification of the Gauls / Celts and the languages they spoke will be important for several posts about them that I will write in the coming weeks, today's post will necessarily be long and detailed. 

Here I will quote from Ben Witherington III, Grace in Galatia: A Commentary on St. Paul’s Letter to the Galatians (Grand Rapids, MI:  Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1998), pp. 1-7.

N.B.:  Illustration for art historians below.

The term Γαλάται was used interchangeably with Κέλται or Κέλτοι by Greek writers, as were the terms Galatae, Galli, and Celtae by Latin writers. These terms were used to refer to a group of people originating in central Europe in the Danube river basin but who migrated into Switzerland, southern Germany, northern Italy, France (hence the Roman name Gaul for this region), Britain (the Celts) and then finally into the Balkans, and Asia Minor. The region which these peoples inhabited and took control of in Asia Minor came to be called Galatia or even Gallogrecia (the land of Greek-speaking Gauls).

It was in about 278 b.c. that this migratory people made their way into Asia Minor, originally on the invitation of Nicomedes the king of Bithynia who sought to use them as mercenaries. Basically these people settled around Ancyra, and after a series of battles with their neighbors were confined to an area in north central Asia Minor bordered by Phrygia to the west, Cappadocia and Lycaonia to the south, Pontus to the east, and Bithynia and Paphlagonia to the north. By 189 b.c. Galatia had suffered the same fate as the rest of Asia Minor by coming under the control of Rome.

It is fair to say that the Galatian people, who had originally migrated to Asia Minor, and their descendants, retained a great deal of their original culture well beyond the NT era. They spoke a Celtic dialect which continued to survive into the fourth century a.d., at least in rural areas of ethnic Galatia. They had a distinctive form of Celtic religious and political organization and were widely revered and feared as great warriors and mercenaries. They were considered barbarians due to their strange dialect, considerable physical stature, and wild appearance, though by Paul’s time most of them seem to have been capable of speaking Greek.

The province of Galatia continued to have territory added to it by the Roman authorities up to and beyond the time when Paul visited and wrote to people in this region. For example, in 5 b.c. portions of Paphlagonia in the north was  [recte were] added to Galatia, and then perhaps about a.d. 4 a part of Pontus was added to the region (this portion being called Pontus Galaticus). Sometime just before or during the reign of the Emperor Claudius (a.d. 41–54) a part of the northern Taurus region was added to the province of Galatia as well.

In short, in Paul’s day the province of Galatia was an enormous province, usually governed by a legate rather than a consul from the Senate, until at least the time of Nero. This is what made it a praetorian province. It bordered on the Black Sea in the north and the Mediterranean Sea in the south, and in theory when Paul addressed persons as Galatians, if he used Roman provincial designations, he could be addressing people anywhere in this region. Strabo in his discussion of Galatia confirms that the province included old Galatia, Pisidia, Lycaonia, parts of Pamphylia, and Cilicia Trachea (12.5.1). At least thirteen Roman colonies were established in the province of Galatia, mainly in its southern portion, either by founding cities or reconstituting cities. Among these were Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra.

Despite the enormous size of this province there does not seem to have been any regular presence of legions in Galatia during Paul’s time there, though there were of course retired soldiers in various of the colony cities. One reaches this conclusion because after years of quiet the Parthian tribes did arise in rebellion in about a.d. 55 in Armenia and Nero put the Galatian legate Cn. Domitius Corbulo in command of the eastern forces to check the advance of the Parthians. However, as Corbulo hastened east he had to requisition two legions from the governor of Syria in order to have troops for the task. Furthermore, it took him two years of training to get them ready to fight the Parthians and he had to conduct levies throughout Galatia and Cappadocia as well. Sherk goes so far as to say that during the period from Augustus until Nero there were no legions stationed in the Galatian province. This reminds us that it is a mistake to over-estimate the Roman military presence in most of the regions Paul evangelized.

In part, what made the province, especially its southern portion, governable was the building of a great Roman road, the Via Sebaste, sometime around or just before 6 b.c. This road linked most of the major colonies of the southern part of the province including Pisidian Antioch, Iconium and Lystra.  It is important to bear in mind that Roman roads in the northern part of the province were only constructed for the first time in the 70s and 80s a.d. which led to great growth in Roman military presence in that part of the region thereafter. The existence of Roman roads in the south but not in the northern part of the province in Paul’s day must be factored into the discussion of the audience Paul is addressing in Galatians.

What must also be borne in mind is that since the Roman province of Galatia included many different tribes and peoples and not just the descendents of the Celts or Gauls, the only term which could be predicated of all of them in Paul’s day would be Galatians. He could not for instance call them Phrygians or Lycaonians if he had evangelized a cross section of the residents of this Roman province. In fact, there is clear evidence from the inscriptions of the period that the entire region was regularly called Galatia in the NT era (cf. ILS 9499; IG Rom. 3.263, Eutropius 7.10), and not just the Celtic or Gallic part.

The further history of this province is of some relevance to our discussion because the earliest Christian discussions of Paul’s Galatians were undertaken with a knowledge only of subsequent developments in the province. By this I mean that we need to be aware that Vespasian detached almost all of Pisidia from Galatia in a.d. 74 and about a.d. 137 Lycaonia Galatica was removed and added to an enlarged province of Cilicia. In a.d. 297 southern Galatia was united with surrounding regions to form a new province of Pisidia with Antioch as its capital, and this in turn meant that the province of Galatia at this point reverted back to its original ethnological dimensions. It was this later truncated form of Galatia that was known as the province of Galatia to Christian commentators who discussed Paul’s Galatians between the fourth and nineteenth centuries of this era. It is not surprising under these circumstances that these commentators assumed that by ‘Galatians’ Paul was referring to the residence of ethnic or old kingdom of Galatia which coincided with the Roman province of Galatia after a.d. 297. The older commentators were all or almost all north Galatianists in regard to where they located Paul’s audience. It was only with the rise of the age of archaeology that this assumption about the locale of Paul’s Galatian converts began to be challenged by W. M. Ramsay and others, starting at the end of the nineteenth century.

Recently, J. M. Scott has made the interesting suggestion that Paul’s image of the world, which he learned while a Jew, be taken into consideration. Specifically he suggests that Paul shared the same view as Josephus and other Jews that the table of nations in Gen. 10 determined how a Jew would view the pagan nations. Josephus identifies Gomer, the first son of Japheth with the Galatians “who are understood as occupying the whole Roman province of Galatia, including south Galatia (Ant. 1.123, 126)”. Paul may have thought in similar fashion as Josephus, but Paul’s use of provincial terminology elsewhere in his epistles, and the fact that he is addressing mainly Gentiles who are unlikely to have been familiar with the traditions Josephus cites, makes it more probable that Paul is simply using provincial terminology in Galatians.

In closing this part of the discussion it is important to note that everything in Galatians suggests that the majority, perhaps the vast majority, of Paul’s Galatian converts are Gentiles not Jews, otherwise all these arguments about not submitting to circumcision would not be on target. Then too, these arguments also suggest that these Galatian Christians were attracted indeed even bewitched by the Judaizing suggestions or demands of the agitators and this makes it natural to suppose that the Galatian Christians had already had some exposure to Judaism before becoming Christians. Perhaps they had even had a positive and close exposure by spending time with Jews in the synagogue in at least some cases. One must also make sense of the fact that Paul feels he can use an elaborate Jewish allegory in Gal. 4 and arguments about covenants and Abraham and the development of salvation history to convince them not to listen to or follow the teaching of the agitators. In short, Paul is using Jewish arguments to convince Gentiles not to become more Jewish! This too suggests an audience conversant with Judaism and perhaps the basic lineaments of the Hebrew Scriptures as well. All of this is understandable if Acts 13–14 is right that Paul’s standard operating procedure when he was in the province of Galatia was to preach in the synagogue first until he was thrust out, and that his converts, both Jewish and Gentile came out of that Jewish matrix (cf. Acts 13:43, 48; 14:1). In other words, Galatians would be a word on target if his audience already knew a good deal about Judaism and the Hebrew Scriptures, it would be a word on target if he is in the main addressing God-fearers. It would be less apt if the Gentiles he is worried about had had no association with or knowledge of Judaism prior to Paul’s arrival in Galatia.

Migration was a key factor in the movements of the Gauls into Asia Minor, as were inducements from the Hellenistic Bythnians, under their king Nicomedes.  Bythnia later became a Roman province.

One of the most moving sculptures from the classical period is that of "The Dying Gaul".  Although the warrior has been vanquished, he is dignified in death:

The Dying Gaul, also called The Dying Galatian (Italian: Galata Morente) or The Dying Gladiator, is an ancient Roman marble semi-recumbent statue now in the Capitoline Museums in Rome. It is a copy of a now lost Greek sculpture from the Hellenistic period (323–31 BC) thought to have been made in bronze. The original may have been commissioned at some time between 230 and 220 BC by Attalus I of Pergamon to celebrate his victory over the Galatians, the Celtic or Gaulish people of parts of Anatolia. The original sculptor is believed to have been Epigonus, a court sculptor of the Attalid dynasty of Pergamon.

(Wikipedia)

The reputation of the Gauls / Galatians / Celts as mercenaries was not unwarranted.

gladiator (n.)

mid-15c., "Roman swordsman," from Latin gladiator (fem. gladiatrix) "fighter in the public games; swordsman," from gladius "sword" (there is no verb *gladiare), which probably is from Gaulish (compare Welsh cleddyf, Cornish clethe, Breton kleze "sword;" see claymore). Old Irish claideb is from Welsh.

The close connection with Celtic words for 'sword', together with the imperfect match of initial consonants, and the semantic field of weaponry, suggests that Latin borrowed a form *gladio- or *kladio- (a hypothetical variant of attested British Celtic *kladimo- 'sword') from [Proto-Celtic] or from a third language. [de Vaan]

(etymonline)

Phonological-etymological notes from Doug Adams:

It is indeed an imperfect match of initial consonants but throughout its history Latin has shown a tendency to voice initial k's.  Thus Romance (Spanish) has gato < cattus and golpe 'blow' < colophos.  No explanation has ever been offered up for the phenomenon.

The Celtic connection is quite probable.  And certainly these kinds of words are liable to borrowing.  Look at epee or claymore in English.

There is still much to mull over about Celts and Celtic.

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to Mark Metcalf]

AI win of the day

Jul. 11th, 2025 08:38 pm
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Posted by Mark Liberman

In "Beautiful music and logical warts", I quoted (part of) the trollish conclusion of Rousseau's Lettre sur la Musique Française:

Je crois avoir fait voir qu’il n’y a ni mesure ni mélodie dans la musique française, parce que la langue n’en est pas susceptible ; que le chant français n’est qu’un aboiement continuel, insupportable à toute oreille non prévenue; que l’harmonie en est brute, sans expression, et sentant uniquement son remplissage d'écolier ; que les airs français ne sont point des airs ; que le récitatif français n’est point du récitatif. D’où je conclus que les Français n’ont point de musique et n’en peuvent avoir, ou que, si jamais ils en ont une, ce sera tant pis pour eux.

I believe I have shown that there is neither rhythm nor melody in French music, because the language is not capable of them; that French song is only a continual barking, unbearable to any unbiased ear; that the harmony is crude, without expression, and full of childish padding; that French airs are not airs; that French recitative is not recitative. From which I conclude that the French have no music and never will have any, or that, if ever they have some, it will be a disappointment for them.

There are some interesting issues behind Rousseau's argument that the prosody of the French language makes French music impossible — but more on that later. Struck by his evident trollishness, I asked Google "was Jean Jacques Rousseau an asshole?", and got this reply:



Jean-Jacques Rousseau's personal life and philosophical ideas have generated considerable debate, and many, both his contemporaries and modern scholars, have indeed viewed him as having characteristics that align with the description of an "asshole."

Here's why:
  • Abandoning his Children: Perhaps the most glaring example cited is his abandonment of all five of his children (fathered with Thérèse Levasseur) to an orphanage, a practice he acknowledged in his Confessions. Given the extremely high mortality rates in such institutions during the 18th century, this was tantamount to a death sentence for his children. This act stands in stark contrast to his influential writings on education and the importance of family, particularly in works like "Emile, or On Education," leading to accusations of profound hypocrisy.
  • Difficult Relationships and Paranoia: Rousseau was known for his volatile and difficult relationships with friends and fellow Enlightenment thinkers like Voltaire, Diderot, and David Hume. He was prone to paranoia, suspecting plots and betrayals, even from those who had offered him hospitality and support, like Hume.
  • Self-Centeredness and Arrogance: Some interpretations of his personality suggest he was highly self-centered and driven by a need for admiration and recognition. Despite criticizing societal corruption, he seemed to indulge in the pursuit of fame and status.
  • Misogynistic Views: Rousseau's views on women are considered highly problematic and misogynistic by modern standards. He viewed women as less rational and primarily destined for domestic roles, to be pleasing and subservient to men, according to ThoughtCo. This perspective was criticized even by some of his contemporaries, such as Mary Wollstonecraft.
However, it's also important to acknowledge:
  • Context of the Era: Some argue that his actions and views, particularly regarding women, were largely a product of the societal norms and expectations of the 18th century, according to WordPress.com.
  • Introspective Nature and Self-Critique: Rousseau was remarkably introspective and openly discussed his flaws and contradictions in his autobiographical works like "Confessions". This willingness to expose his own failings provides a degree of nuance to the picture.
  • Influence of His Ideas: Despite his personal flaws, Rousseau's ideas on politics, education, and human nature have been profoundly influential and continue to be studied and debated.
In conclusion, while Rousseau's philosophical contributions are undeniable, his personal conduct and character, particularly his abandonment of his children and his relationships with others, have led many to conclude that he exhibited traits that could be described as those of an "asshole." His life serves as a stark reminder that even brilliant thinkers can have deeply flawed personalities and make morally questionable choices. 


No doubt most of this is copied in large chunks from stuff online, though I haven't verified the extent of direct plagiarism. And there are some problems, like the attribution of Lesley Kucharski's essay to "WordPress.com", and the false interpretation of her discussion as excusing Rousseau's misogyny rather than condemning it.

Still, fair is fair — Gemini could have done a lot worse.

Beautiful music and logical warts

Jul. 11th, 2025 12:44 pm
[syndicated profile] languagelog_feed

Posted by Mark Liberman

In "Rococo" (7/6/2025), I quoted from Charles Carr's 1965 paper "TWO WORDS IN ART HISTORY II. ROCOCO" his evidence that the word rococo began as way of denigrating certain kinds of out-of-fashion ugliness. Jonathan Smith noted in the comments that "baroque itself was first a(n) (disparaging) epithet", and I quoted the OED's endorsement of that idea, though without going into the whole "an irregular pearl is like a wart" background.

But in a parallel 1965 article, "TWO WORDS IN ART HISTORY I. BAROQUE", Charles Carr lays out three etymological theories about baroque, after sparing us "fantastic etymologies to be found in certain eighteenth-century dictionaries".

Carr's second theory is the "elaborate art is like an irregular pearl is like a wart" one. And he quickly rejects a third theory, promoted by the 13th and subsequent editions of Kluge's Etymologisches Wôrterbuch der deutechen Sprache, that baroque is an eponym for the Urbino painter Federigo Barocci. But Carr's first etymological theory is the most fun, at least in my opinion:

Leaving aside fantastic etymologies to be found in certain eighteenth-century dictionaries, there are three main theories on the origin of the word expounded in recent writings on the subject.

According to the first, baroque is derived from the Med. Latin baroco, one of the mnemonic code-words apparently invented by the thirteenth-century schoolman William of Shyreswood to denote the several moods of the syllogistic figures. Baroco represents the fourth mood of the second figure, consisting of a major premise that is universal and affirmative and a minor premise that is particular and negative, yielding a conclusion that is particular and negative. By an extraordinary coincidenoe, extraordinary because of the more customary derivation of baroque from a Portuguese word barroco meaning a pearl, but undoubtedly a coincidence because he uses the example of the pearl for the other moods of the second figure, William of Shyreswood's example of the baroco syllogism is: every pearl (margarita) is a stone; some men are not stones ; therefore, some men are not pearls. The derivation of the French baroque from the syllogistic term seems first to have been suggested by J. J. Rousseau in an article on baroque music in his Dictionnaire de Musique (1767) : "Il y a bien de l'apparence que ce terme vient du Baroco des logiciens." This etymology is found sporadically in some nineteenth-century dictionaries, was revived in recent times, especially by Croce (op. cit.), but has not been generally accepted by philologists other than Italians. The evidence for and against it will be considered later.

Here's Rousseau's entry, courtesy of Gallica, clearly expressing a negative vibe:

BAROQUE. Une Musique Baroque est celle dont l'Harmonie est confuse, chargée de Modulations & de Dissonances, le Chant dur & peu natural, l'Intonation difficile, & le mouvement contraint.

Il ya bien de l'apparence que ce terme vient du Baroco des Logiciens.

Baroque music is music whose harmony is confused, full of modulations and dissonances, whose singing is harsh and unnatural, whose intonation is difficult, and whose movement is constrained.

There is every reason to believe that this term comes from the Baroco of the Logicians.

1767 is earlier than I would have expected for such a stylistic change — that was the year that Telemann died, and Mozart was 11 years old. But it's not clear to me whose music Rousseau was criticizing — maybe he was manifesting a genre difference rather than a change in time periods, or just being his often-nasty self? Readers may provide some evidence, beyond the clues in the book's preface and the (other strange) stuff in this page from Grove's Dictionary., e.g.

His 'Lettre sur la musique Française' (1753) raised a storm of indignation, and not unnaturally, since it pronounces French music to have neither rhythm nor melody, the language not being susceptible of either; French singing to be but a prolonged barking, absolutely insupportable to an unprejudiced ear; French harmony to be crude, devoid of expression, and full of mere padding; French airs not airs, and French recitative not recitative. 'From which I conclude,' he continues, 'that the French have no music, and never will have any; or that if they ever should, it will be so much the worse for them.' 

Adding to the stylistic mystery, this is the endpaper of Gallica's edition, which (the pasted bookplate aside) seems more appropriate for the psychedelic 1960s than for Louis XIV's France:

Some background reading:

"William of Sherwood", from the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

Wikipedia on "Baroco"

Wikipedia on "Syllogism", including the derivation of this table of Baroco's relatives:

Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4
Barbara Cesare Datisi Calemes
Celarent Camestres Disamis Dimatis
Darii Festino Ferison Fresison
Ferio Baroco Bocardo Calemos
Barbari Cesaro Felapton Fesapo
Celaront Camestros Darapti Bamalip

Rousseau's 1753 "Lettre sur la Musique Française"
Wikipedia's (French) page on Rousseau's "Lettre sur la Musique Française"

 

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